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Henry Thomas Hope, the eldest of the three sons of the Thomas Hope (1769–1831) and his wife Louisa de la Poer Beresford, was born on 30th April 1808. Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, he became a director of the London and Westminster Joint Stock Bank and was a magistrate for Surrey and Gloucestershire.
Hope was elected as Tory M.P. for East Looe in 1830. He opposed parliamentary reform and factory legislation. He argued in the House of Commons on 16th March, 1832: "It is obvious, that if you limit the hours of labour, you will, to nearly the same extent, reduce the profits of the capital on which the labour is employed. Under these circumstances, the manufacturers must either raise the price of the manufactured article or diminish the wages of their workmen. If they raise the price of the article the foreigner gains an advantage. I am informed that the foreign cotton-manufacturers, and particularly the Americans, tread closely upon the heels of our manufacturers."
Hope was defeated in the 1832 General Election. He returned to the House of Commons in 1833 when he was elected as the M.P. for Gloucester and held the seat until 1841. He also served between 1847 and 1852.
Henry Thomas Hope died on 4th December, 1862.
It is obvious, that if you limit the hours of labour, you will, to nearly the same extent, reduce the profits of the capital on which the labour is employed. I am informed that the foreign cotton-manufacturers, and particularly the Americans, tread closely upon the heels of our manufacturers.
The right honourable member (Michael Sadler) seems to consider that it is desirable for adults to replace children. I cannot concur with that opinion, because I think that the labour of children is a great resource to their parents and of great benefit to themselves.
I therefore, on the these grounds, oppose this measure. In the first place I doubt whether parliament can protect children as effectively as their parents; secondly; because I am of the opinion that a case for parliamentary interference has not yet been made out; and thirdly, because I believe that the bill will be productive of great inconvenience, not only to persons who have embarked large capital in the cotton manufactures, but even to workmen and children themselves - that I feel it my duty to oppose this measure.
History of the Hope Family
Hopetoun has been the ancestral home of the Hope family for over 300 years the present Earl of Hopetoun lives in the house and The 4th Marquess of Linlithgow (the head of the family and Lord Hopetoun’s father) lives on the Estate. The Hope family has a long and honourable record of service to crown, country, the law and the military. The family origins are generally believed to date back to a John Hope, shown in the Edinburgh Burgess Rolls of 1516-1517 with the alias Petit Johnne, Trumpetour. Later he became a merchant and a Guildbrother: it is recorded that he had property in the High Street, Edinburgh and lands near Leith at Newhaven or Le Porte de Grace as it was then known.
John’s son Henry (circa 1533-1591) was a burgess both of Dieppe and of Edinburgh and his son, Sir Thomas Hope of Craighall (1573-1646), studied law and was appointed King’s Advocate by Charles I in 1626. Sir Thomas’ fourth son, Sir James Hope (1614-1661) was the first to style himself ‘of Hopetoun’ using the old name for Leadhills in Lanarkshire where, through his marriage with the heiress Anne Foulis, he came into possession of valuable lead mines. This increased wealth enabled his son, John Hope (1650-1682) to purchase the lands of Abercorn with a view to building a fine house for himself. Unfortunately, before he could do so, he drowned in the shipwreck of the ‘Gloucester’ whilst accompanying the Duke of York (later James VII/II) on a journey to Scotland.
His widow, Lady Margaret Hamilton, continued the discussions and plans to erect a mansion on the site: in 1699 she commissioned the building of Hopetoun for her young son Charles Hope (1681-1742) on the occasion of his marriage to the sister of the Marquess of Annandale. The Marquess was a noted connoisseur of the arts and his collection was bequeathed to Hopetoun on his death. Charles was created the first Earl of Hopetoun in 1703.
Work on the House began in 1699 under the auspices of Sir William Bruce who was recognised as one of the most brilliant architects of the day. The works were completed in 1707 and produced some of the finest examples of carving, wainscoting and ceiling painting in Scotland, reflecting the fashions and tastes of Scottish nobility at that time. Many details were executed by local craftsmen, such as the grand staircase carved by Alexander Eizat who had worked with Bruce during renovations at Holyrood Palace in Edinburgh.
Some fourteen years later in 1721, the renowned Scottish architect William Adam was commissioned to undertake a programme of alterations and improvements that lasted until 1767. This saw the addition of an imposing facade with magnificent colonnades, north and south pavilions and the creation of grand State Apartments to be used for entertaining and socialising. The work outlived William Adam, however, and after his death in 1748 the interior decoration of the House was carried out by his sons John, James and Robert. The work also outlived the 1st Earl: his son John the 2nd Earl (1704-1781) oversaw the completion of the interiors. The 2nd Earl was a very religious man and a noted agricultural improver, who purchased the Ormiston Estates in East Lothian. He was also one of the first Governors of The Edinburgh Infirmary (later The Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh).
Hopetoun House not only represents the aristocratic grandeur of the early 18th century, boasting many fine architectural features, but it clearly demonstrates a distinct change in taste and design influences that prevailed at that time. The marked differences in style between the original Bruce House and the later Adam additions can still be appreciated today. The older, more sedate Bruce House has the look and feel of a comfortable country house whilst the Adam House has an altogether more sophisticated feel with the influences of grand European palaces such as Versailles very much in evidence. Since its completion in the mid 18th century the House has remained substantially unaltered save for the 4th Earl’s internal modifications between 1816 and 1823, including the creation of the Large and Small Libraries and the decoration of the State Dining Room by James Gillespie Graham.
By the time of James the 3rd Earl (1741-1816) the family owned large areas of land in East and West Lothian, Fife and Lanarkshire. However, as James had no son, he was succeeded by his half-brother General Sir John Hope (1765-1823) as 4th Earl. The 4th Earl had a distinguished military career. He completed the evacuation of British troops from Corunna after the death of Sir John Moore, commanded one of Wellington’s divisions in the Peninsular War and received honours for his outstanding services and bravery. A statue of the 4th Earl in Roman dress can still be seen in the garden courtyard of Dundas House, the former headquarters of the Royal Bank of Scotland (of which he was Governor) in St Andrew’s Square, Edinburgh other monuments to him exist in Fife and East Lothian.
It is a measure of Hopetoun’s importance that, in 1822, George IV visited the House at the end of his state visit to Scotland and was received by the 4th Earl. The state visit was the first time a reigning British sovereign had visited Scotland for 170 years and it was stage-managed by Sir Walter Scott as an important part of his Romantic Movement in Scotland. Throughout the tour the King wore Highland dress, which had been banned from 1745 until 1782 following the Jacobite Rebellions: the King’s gesture was viewed as an act of reconciliation between Scotland and England. Records show that the King arrived at Hopetoun at 1.15pm and that after being received by the Earl and Countess he lunched sparingly on turtle soup and three glasses of wine. He then knighted Sir Henry Raeburn, the Scottish portraitist, and Captain Adam Ferguson, Keeper of the Regalia in Scotland, in the Yellow Drawing Room using Lord Hopetoun’s sword. At 3pm he made his farewells and made his way by carriage to Port Edgar, just outside South Queensferry, where the Royal Yacht waited to return him to England.
The 4th Earl was the Captain General of the Royal Company of Archers, which was recognised during the visit as the King’s bodyguard in Scotland. The Royal Company, still the Sovereign’s personal Bodyguard for Scotland, is still in existence today and parades on formal occasions such as the Queen’s annual Garden Party at Holyrood Palace. It also meets at Hopetoun every summer to shoot for the Hopetoun Royal Commemoration Prize, which was presented by the 4th Earl to the Company to commemorate its role in the visit. The present Earl is an active member of the Royal Company.
The 5th Earl was active in Scottish affairs and in the continued improvements of his estates. The 6th Earl died of typhoid at the age of 42 after a brief life devoted to Paris and the Pytchley Hunt. The 7th Earl, John (1860-1908), however, was to become one of the most eminent members of the family and was created the 1st Marquess of Linlithgow. After serving as Governor of Victoria, Australia at the age of 29, he returned to Britain to become Queen Victoria’s Lord Chamberlain. He went back as the first Governor General of the newly-formed Commonwealth of Australia in 1900. He was also Secretary for Scotland in Arthur Balfour’s Government of 1905.
His son Victor, 8th Earl and 2nd Marquess (1887-1952), eclipsed even these great achievements. He was civil Lord of the Admiralty from 1922 to 1924. He chaired the Royal Commission on Agriculture in India from 1926 to 1928. In 1928 he was made a Knight of the Order of the Thistle. He chaired the committee on Indian constitutional reform in 1933 and helped formulate the Government of India Act of 1935. Following his experience in India he returned there as Viceroy and Governor General from 1936 to 1943, almost two full terms of office, making him the longest-serving Viceroy. For this he was created a Knight of the Order of the Garter, one of only a handful of non-royals to be a Knight both of the Garter and of the Thistle. He was the Chancellor of Edinburgh University from 1944 until his death in 1952 and the Chairman of Midland Bank.
Charles, 9th Earl and 3rd Marquess (1912-1987) served in the Second World War, winning a Military Cross, and was taken prisoner with the 51st (Highland) Division in 1940 before being held at Colditz as one of the ‘prominente’. He was a partner in Joseph Sebag, the London stockbrokers, and a director of Eagle Star Insurance.
Henry Jackson Thomas Jr. was born in San Antonio, Texas, on September 9, 1971. After playing the role of Elliott in E.T. the Extra-Terrestrial in 1982, Thomas returned to his hometown of San Antonio, where he focused on school and took on film and TV roles sporadically. In the 1980s and 1990s, he returned to acting.
Photo: Jeffrey Mayer/WireImage
The Deepdene Estate, situated on the south-eastern edge of Dorking in Surrey, was once the home of one of the nations most enigmatic characters, Thomas Hope.
Thomas Hope (1769 – 1831), born in Amsterdam, was from a wealthy banking family that owned the globally influential Hope & Company Bank.
Thomas grew up around wealth, art, sculpture and antiquities and was widely travelled – his ‘Grand Tour’ of the Middle East lasted 8 years. In the 1790’s his family fled to England to avoid the French Revolutionary armies. Thomas bought a London house on Duchess Street which he soon set about remodelling and then he bought the house at Deepdene and surrounding Estate.
Thomas was an extraordinary collector, builder and designer of major national and international importance. He is regarded as a definitive Regency tastemaker and played a unique role in the arts as patron, collector, writer and designer being credited with inventing the phrase ‘interior design’.
The rise of Deepdene
The house and landscape Thomas bought had been first created by the Howard family. Charles Howard created an Italianate garden out of the Deepdene, one of the first in England, in the mid-17 th century complete with terraces, grotto and even a laboratory built into natural tunnels in the Gardens. Several generations of Howards then developed the Deepdene further including building the house in the late-18 th century that Thomas Hope eventually bought.
After a breif tenure in the hands of the Burrell family the Deepdene was purchased by Thomas Hope in 1807. After ten years of contented occupation Hope began a major remodelling. He remodelled the house into a unique structure that connected with the landscape of the Deepdene, constructed a Mausoleum for his youngest son Charles, who died only 7 years old and expanded the grounds by buying up neighbouring land. His brother gifted him the adjacent Chart Park estate to add to the Deepdene in 1814. To commemorate this gift Hope built a Temple on the high point of the park, Deepdene Terrace, in his brother’s honour.
On his death in 1831, the estate was inherited by his eldest son Henry Thomas Hope who further remodelled the House and expanded the grounds to include Betchworth Park, Betchworth Castle, Brockham village and part of Box Hill.
Henry passed the Estate to his widow, Anne, in 1862 and in 1884 the Deepdene went to their grandson, Lord Francis Hope-Pelham-Clinton, later 8th Duke of Newcastle.
The decline of Deepdene
Lord Francis Hope never lived at Deepdene, only visited, and was declared bankrupt in 1894. The house was then leased to the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough, the aunt of one Winston Churchill. The Duchess entertained at the Estate for many years but after her death in 1909, and with Lord Francis still in difficulties, the house and grounds began to be broken up and sold on. A grand sale in 1917 saw the loss of much of the house’s contents and in 1920 it was converted into a residential hotel.
The hotel declined in the 1930’s and when war broke out in 1939 it was purchased as a war emergency measure by Southern Railway.
Southern Railway set up their headquarters there and occupied the house throughout the war re-purposing the gardens as a communications hub complete with telephone exchange secreted into tunnels in the hillside. Southern Rail maintained offices there until 1967, when the house was sold to Federated Homes Ltd, a development company.
In 1969 Deepdene House was sadly demolished, however the striking features remaining of his picturesque landscape are being rediscovered as a major part of The Deepdene Trail.
The Deepdene Trail is born
The Deepdene Trail opened on the 10 September 2016, offering the beauty of The Deepdene Estate for all to enjoy. Mole Valley District Council is supported by the Friends of Dorking, a volunteer group who have been invaluable in working on the site to clear the gardens and uncover the tremendous horticultural features and views.
"Thomas Hope, one of the most eminent members of his family, was a son of Henry Hope, but the exact date of his birth is not known. Like his brother James he became a 'servitor', or what we should not call a clerk or pupil, to Mr John Nicholson of Lasswade, and as such witnessed two charters by Sir Patrick Murray of Geaness at Edinburgh 28 February 1601.
. He married, in or before 1602, Elizabeth, daughter of John Bennet of Wallyford, and had by her fourteen children."
Oxford Biography Index entry Thomas Hope of Craighall
Hope, Sir Thomas, of Craighall, first baronet (1573), advocate and politician
Oxford Biography Index Number 101013736 [what is this?] http://www.oxforddnb.com/index/101013736/Thomas-Hope-of-Craighall Primary authority: Oxford DNB Full text available Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
David Stevenson, ‘Hope, Sir Thomas, of Craighall, first baronet (1573)’, first published 2004 online edn, May 2009, 3277 words, with portrait illustration
Birth: Death: Oct. 1, 1646
Son of Henry Hope 1540 – 1591 and Jacquelina Juvitot De Tott, husband of Dame Elizabeth Bennet Wallingford, married in 1602 at Craighall in Scotland. Father of: Sir John Hope Craighill 2nd baronet 1605 – 1654 Thomas Hope 1606 – 1643 Alexander Hope 1611 – 1680 James Hope 1614 – 1661 Mary Hope 1620 – 1691 Anne Hope 1625 – 1653 Anne Hope 1625 – 1653 Charles Hope 1627 – Anna Hope 1634 – 1712
1st Baronet of Craighil. Advocate for Charles I.
Admitted as an advocate in 1605, he made his reputation by defence of John Forbes (1568?-1634), and other ministers at Linlithgow in 1606. He prepared the deed revoking James VI's grants of church property in 1625. He was appointed Lord Advocate in 1626, and held the office until 1641. He was created a Baronet of Nova Scotia in 1628. He conducted the case against John Elphinstone, 2nd Lord Balmerino in 1634. As Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1643, he maintained the king's temporizing policy. In 1645 Hope was appointed one of the Commissioners for managing the Exchequer, but died the next year. Two of his sons appointed to the bench while he was Lord Advocate and it being judged by the Court of Session unbecoming that a father should plead uncovered before his children, the privilege of wearing his hat, while pleading, was granted to him. This privilege his successors in the office of Lord Advocate have ever since enjoyed, though it is now in danger of being lost through desuetude. His "Practical Observations Upon divers titles of the Law of Scotland", commonly called the "Minor Practicks" were published in 1726. Per Wikipedia
Burial: Greyfriars Kirkyard Edinburgh City of Edinburgh, Scotland
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Maintained by: Find A Grave Originally Created by: Anne Shurtleff Stevens Record added: Nov 15, 2011 Find A Grave Memorial# 80511800
Henry Thomas Buckle
The English historian Henry Thomas Buckle (1821-1862) was a major figure in the positivist movement in historical scholarship. He applied the methods of natural science to history in an effort to discover scientific laws governing the historical process.
Henry Thomas Buckle was born in Lee, Kent, on Nov. 24, 1821. Owing to his delicate health, he did not attend school but educated himself through extensive reading and traveling. Before the age of 20 he had become one of the foremost chess players in England. After his father's death in 1840, he traveled on the Continent, and during this period he resolved to turn his energies to the preparation of a great historical work. He first decided to write a history of the Middle Ages, but by 1851 he had expanded his original plan and had begun work on a history of civilization. He published the first volume of the History of Civilization in England in 1857 and the second volume in 1861.
Buckle felt that there was a need to demonstrate that historical development occurs in accordance with universal laws, and perhaps more than any other historian of the 19th century he popularized the belief that scientific laws of history could be formulated. Thus the aim of his work was to discover by inductive inquiry the causal uniformities governing society and its development. Buckle's historiographical method was influenced by John Stuart Mill's empiricism and by Auguste Comte's belief that society should be studied through the application of scientific procedures.
In his History of Civilization in England Buckle argued that in order to develop a scientific study of history, it is necessary to take into account not only how man modified the natural world but also how the natural world modified man. In particular, he believed that physical factors (climate and food, among others) are the most important force in determining how a civilization will develop. Thus for Buckle the differences among the world's civilizations are due in large part to the unique physical circumstances in which each culture evolved. He held that the high level to which European civilization had developed was due to a combination of environmental factors that had encouraged full use of man's intellectual capabilities. The key to human progress was, therefore, the development of knowledge.
Buckle's work enjoyed an immediate success, but his failure to assimilate Charles Darwin's and Herbert Spencer's evolutionary theories resulted in a rapid decline in his fame. While traveling in the Middle East in 1862, he contracted a fever and died in Damascus.
“Will no one rid me of this meddlesome priest?” The truth behind Henry II’s notorious lament
On 8 June 2017, Thomas Becket made a surprise appearance in the investigation into possible Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. Former FBI director James Comey had been summoned to appear before a hearing of a Senate Intelligence Committee to provide “texture and context” about his interactions with President Trump. About an hour and 40 minutes into proceedings, Senator Angus King of Maine asked Comey about Trump’s “hope” that Comey would stop the investigation of General Michael Flynn, the disgraced former national security adviser – at which point Comey made a pointed reference to Becket’s martyrdom.
King: “When a president of the United States in the Oval office says something like ‘I hope’ or ‘I suggest’ or ‘Would you?’, do you take that as a directive?”
Comey: “Yes. Yes. It rings in my ears as kind of ‘Will no one rid me of this meddlesome priest?’”
King: “I was just going to quote that! In 1170 December 29 Henry II said: ‘Who will rid me of this meddlesome priest?’ and the next day he was killed, Thomas à Becket, that is exactly the same situation.”
That the term “meddlesome priest” was used in such a context proves just how intertwined those two words have become with Henry II’s fateful outburst about Becket – an outburst, so the story goes, that four knights misinterpreted as a directive to kill the archbishop. But, in reality, there’s no way of knowing precisely what Henry said. Edward Grim, the most influential of Becket’s hagiographers, reports a different exclamation in his account of c1171–72. Grim, who was an eyewitness to the murder, wrote that Henry said: “What miserable drones and traitors have I nurtured and promoted in my household who let their lord be treated with such shameful contempt by a low-born cleric!”
So there’s no mention of “meddlesome priest” here. In fact, it was another 800 years before the term first entered the popular imagination, when it was uttered by Peter O‘Toole, while playing King Henry II in the 1964 film Becket. Opposite O‘Toole was Richard Burton, cast in the title role, which he performed with an unmovable moral resilience.
The film was based on the successful Tony-winning play of the same name, written by the French dramatist Jean Anouilh. It was first performed in Paris in 1959 and then New York City in 1960, starring Lawrence Olivier and Anthony Quinn. But there’s no mention of the “meddlesome priest” in Anouilh’s script. The line should instead be credited to Edward Anhalt, who adapted the play for the silver screen. Although the film received 12 Academy Award nominations, only Anhalt – the man who apparently fabricated one of the most notorious refrains of the Middle Ages – won the Oscar.
The Railway Series
Henry's exact origins are unknown. The story goes that he was built from drawings stolen from Sir Nigel Gresley at Doncaster in 1919 by an anonymous locomotive builder who held a grudge against him. The spy, however, blundered and took the wrong drawings. Instead of the new A1 "Pacific" locomotives that Gresley was designing at the time, the thief ended up with plans that had been rejected early on. The mistake was realised too late and Henry was built with many resulting flaws, and only a superficial likeness to Gresley's Pacifics. One of these flaws was an undersized firebox, making Henry an unreliable shy steamer.
The thief was delighted to unload his "White Elephant" on to the first desperate customer who came along - The Fat Controller. He had intended to buy a 8B Robinson Atlantic of the Great Central Railway, but got bamboozled into purchasing Henry instead. Henry arrived in 1922, and due to the railway being desperate for locomotives the Fat Controller had no choice but to keep him.
Henry was vain and stopped in the Ballahoo Tunnel and refused to come out, citing that his paintwork would be spoiled by the rain. After several attempts to move him failed, he was bricked up in the tunnel until Gordon broke down while pulling the Express. As Edward was unable to move the train himself, the Fat Controller offered to let Henry out of the tunnel to help. Henry eagerly accepted.
Henry performed well and the Fat Controller promised him a new coat of paint, since Henry's existing paintwork had been spoiled more by his stay in the tunnel than it would have been by the rain. Henry asked to be painted blue like Edward, only for many people to confuse him with Gordon, much to the bigger engine's annoyance. The matter was worsened after a trip to the Works when Henry was given a spare set of Gordon's buffers. Sometime before 1935 the mainline engines were offered new paint. Henry chose green and so ended the Gordon/Henry confusion.
Unfortunately, Henry was to suffer humiliation when he was pushed out of a tunnel and later hosed with water by an escaped elephant. After Gordon and James had suffered humiliations of their own (and all three had become thoroughly fed up having to do their own shunting and fetch their own coaches), the big engines went on strike. The Fat Controller naturally disapproved of this nonsense and locked them up in the shed for several days, leaving them miserable. However, they were let out again after promising to work hard.
The poor engine and his system - which was already finicky at best due to design flaws - never really recovered from his stay in the tunnel. Henry developed steaming problems, which he complained about constantly, though he found little sympathy from the engines, especially when it caused him to run late.
A period came when the Main Line engines were supplied with a poor delivery of coal and Henry had a very difficult time of it indeed. He had strength to pull trains only sporadically, in spite of numerous part replacements, and there was talk of being replaced by another engine. At last, the Fat Controller looked into it personally and asked for the opinion of Henry's fireman, who told him about the poor coal and Henry's firebox being too small to burn it efficiently. The fireman also suggested purchasing the high-grade Welsh coal used on the Great Western Railway. Sir Topham Hatt agreed to purchasing some in order to give Henry "a fair chance".
When the Welsh coal came, Henry's performance vastly improved, such that he was comparable to Gordon. He continued to use the coal until he had a collision with a goods train at Killdane Field while pulling the Flying Kipper and was sent to Crewe to be rebuilt in 1935. Henry was rebuilt into a Stanier 5MT. The Fat Controller had connections with Sir William Stanier, so this is likely the reason he managed to get Henry rebuilt so quickly. Besides being given a new shape, Henry also received a larger firebox, allowing him to use regular coal again.
After returning, Henry was added to the rotation for the Express and pulled it so well that he made Gordon jealous. Gordon tried to get even by rudely criticising Henry for whistling loudly at stations, but he had to eat his words later that day after his own whistle valve jammed open. Some time later, Henry was taking a slow train. As he passed under a bridge, three boys he had assumed to be railfans threw stones at him and his coaches. He paid them out on his return journey by "sneezing" ashes that collected in his smokebox at them.
When Queen Elizabeth II was due to visit Sodor in 1953, Henry (justifiably) assumed that he was the Fat Controller's choice to pull the Royal Train. But the day before, while he was idling at the station, his smoke blinded a painter, who fell along with his paint pot onto Henry. The paint splashed over Henry's boiler and as painting over it would take too long, Gordon was given the job instead.
When Duck arrived in 1955 to take over Percy's duties as station pilot, Henry - along with Gordon and James - teased him and tried to give him orders, as they had been doing to Percy. With Percy's help, Duck blocked the big engines from entering the shed. The Fat Controller arrived and told the two tank engines off for causing a disturbance. Henry and the others laughed - until the Fat Controller shouted for silence and told them that they had been worse, as they had made the disturbance. He told them that Duck was right - he, Sir Topham Hatt, is in charge and he gives the orders Henry respected Duck more after that.
Sometime after this period, Henry gained a Fowler tender for unknown reasons. By this time, Henry once acted rudely with the engines at Barrow-in-Furness who were in the middle of a conversation with Percy, calling him and them "silly things" and challenged Percy's statement that he did not fear water. Percy retaliated by reminding Henry about his stay in the tunnel, but Percy was shown wrong when he accidentally ended up smokebox-first in the sea at Knapford Harbour. When Percy was to be sent to the works the next day, Henry ridiculed Percy and told him that he would be braver the next time he plunged into the sea, but Percy was quite determined that there would not be a next time.
Henry would then later accompany the engines to England.
Henry's good opinion of Duck would be briefly spoilt in 1957. He and the other main line engines were growing very tired of Duck's incessant talk about the Great Western Railway following City of Truro's visit. A diesel sent to the island on trial quickly developed a grudge against Duck and spread nasty stories about the main line engines to the trucks, stories he falsely claimed that Duck had told him. Furious at being called "Old Square Wheels", Henry joined Gordon and James in barring Duck from the shed just like what Duck and Percy had done previously. He felt sorry a few days later when he became the next target of Diesel's slander and when Duck returned after preventing an accident, Henry cheered for him loudly.
When Gordon started feeling depressed in 1967, Henry - who thought Gordon was just moaning and groaning - teased him and told him he should get a wash-out and would feel much better. When Gordon's brother Flying Scotsman visited Sodor, Henry was jealous of the visitor's second tender. Although Duck and Donald explained this (which Henry understood), he still was vain enough to want an additional tender. Deciding to bring Henry down to earth, Duck told the big engine that he had in his possession not one, but six spare tenders, which, as a tank engine, he had no need of. Henry accepted and all the engines waited to see him go past. But instead of a splendid sight, the tenders were old, rusted and full of boiler sludge. Gordon mocked him with a comment about wash-outs.
Henry became frustrated the day after 7101 and 199 arrived on trial. This made him so hot that his regulator fused wide open and his driver had to use the reverser to control him. On his return journey (no train), he stopped at a signal box next to 199, who had a train of fuel and oil tankers. The signalman told them that 199 - who he nicknamed "Spamcan" - had failed and that he needed to be moved out of the way to clear the line for the "Limited". Henry pulled the train clear, but shortly afterwards, 7101's ejector failed and the "Limited" ground to a halt. Henry then volunteered to help move both trains. Luckily all he had to do for 7101 was keep the vacuum brakes off, but it was still hard work. The cavalcade made it to a station where Flying Scotsman waited to take the coaches and Donald to take the goods. Henry brought 7101 to the Works afterwards and following this valiant rescue, he was no longer teased for the Tender incident. Henry also cheered for the arrival of Oliver and Toad several days later.
Later, when Gordon needed new tubes, Henry pulled the express, but soon fell ill as well. This left the job of the express to Thomas, Percy and Duck. A while later, Henry had to pull an extra long Flying Kipper and Duck had to help him up Gordon's Hill. But due to a tail-lamp falling off the rear van, Duck accidentally crashed into the train.
During the subject of paint colours, Henry commented on how he hated to be red and look like a fire engine. The next day, he was rough with his coaches and resulted in breaking the drawbar between him and his tender. Because of his separated source of water, his fireman was forced to throw out the fire, which set the sleepers alight. After the fire brigade put out the flames, Henry never made rude comments on fire engines again.
In 1985, Henry complained to Thomas the time that the Viaduct had gone under repairs, when Thomas became impatient with his connection between the main line engines and his branch line. Later when bringing passengers for Thomas, the tank engine ran away.
In 1986, when Gordon accidentally blew ashes when his smokebox was clogged, Henry suggested that Gordon should have a good "sneeze", but Gordon reminded Henry that The Fat Controller did not like Henry's sneeze. He also pulled the express when Gordon slipped on the icy rails and befriended Pip and Emma.
When Thomas had been invited to the Great Railway Show, Henry was angry at having not been chosen and later teased Percy that Thomas was old enough to become a museum piece.
In 1992, during the time when the railway began using a new type of coal, Henry began having problems with it. This resulted in his smokebox door having to be pasted shut with damp shredded newspaper when hot ashes damaged it. He was to head to Crovan's Gate with James on the Express, but after crossing the Viaduct one of the steel rims on his driving wheel broke off and shattered a window on one of the coaches. He was taken off and managed to get to the Works. After his repairs, he was given an undercoat of red paint, but before the green could be applied he was called out to pull the Express. Despite his looks, he managed to pull the train, even getting up Gordon's Hill on his own and returned home with his finished coat of green.
He later fretted over the Golden Jubilee despite Duck, Daisy, James and Donald trying to cheer him up.
Thomas & Friends
In the television series, Henry loved visiting the forest. Because of how much he loves it, he helped to replant trees after it was destroyed by a storm.
He also has had to go back to the railway works on several occasions, such as when his tubes were leaking and after he had an accident with some trucks. But the reason most often given for Henry's poor state is that he needed special coal again, even though this was corrected in the first series. This error began with the tenth series episode Toby's Afternoon Off and in It's Good to be Gordon, Henry had to use ordinary Coal, since Gordon took his Special coal, but this has been fixed as of King of the Railway as Toby stated that the fact that Henry needing special coal was fixed years ago. The last time Henry was stated to need special coal was in the fifteenth series.
During one winter, he was tasked with working with Spencer to deliver trucks to Vicarstown. But Spencer teased him by making him think there was an abominable snowman on Sodor. After they had delivered their trucks, they both saw a strange white figure stumbling around on the tracks in front of them. Thinking it was the abominable snowman, Spencer tried to run away. Unfortunately, his valves burst and Henry stood his ground to try and to make the snowman go away. Luckily, it was only Sir Topham Hatt who ended up running into trouble in the heavy snow.
One night, he saw Sailor John and Skiff rolling along the line and got a big fright, thinking Skiff was a ghost ship. Some of the engines teased him about it, even though he insisted the boat was real.
In the twentieth series, Henry had to pull the express for Gordon while he was having his firebox cleaned in the morning. He was initially hesitant but enjoyed himself, especially after the passengers complimented on how well he pulled it. Later, Henry was having a repaint at the Steamworks when Kevin gave him the wrong paint. Henry puffed into the night, his new paintwork glowing in the dark, causing his friends to think they had seen a ghost train. The Fat Controller realised that Henry had the wrong paint and told him to return to the Steamworks for some proper green paint, while praising Henry for being the only engine working as all the others were too scared to come out of the shed.
Henry would later go to the Mainland and be a part of the Great Railway Show, competing in the Strongest Engine Race. After the race, he met up with the other engines and informed them that he came in fifth. Philip congratulated him, only for Henry to reveal that there were only five engines.
In Journey Beyond Sodor, Henry was due to go back to the Mainland with a goods train. However, a faulty signal caused him to crash into the back of Hiro's train. After being rescued by the Breakdown Train, the Fat Controller arranged James to take his train while Henry is being repaired. However, Thomas took it before James could and James only went when Thomas did not return. Henry was soon fully repaired and returned to the sheds while the others finished singing The Most Important Thing is Being Friends, to which he asked, "What did I miss?"
Sometime after, Henry was relocated to Vicarstown Sheds with Rosie per his request. His old berth at Tidmouth Sheds was filled by Rebecca.
During the following Christmas, the boiler at the Sodor Animal Park broke down. Henry suggested taking the animals to the Steamworks to keep warm, but this was initially ignored by the Fat Controller.
Later, when Percy created rumours of a railway show for little engines at Ulfstead Castle, Henry was left to shunt his own train after Rosie abandoned her duties at Vicarstown to attend, making him run late.
When Thomas and Sir Topham Hatt went to London to meet the Queen again, Gordon voiced his displeasure at not being the engine chosen. Henry responded by teasing Gordon about his poor understanding of the names of the stations in London.
Thomas and the Magic Railroad
Henry in Thomas and the Magic Railroad
In the film, Henry had suffered from boiler trouble due to deposits left by fumes from Diesel 10. This time, his sickness was cured by "Sodor Coal". Henry was one of the few engines who knew the 'legend' about Lady was true as for he was the first to acknowledge the fact that Diesel 10 was looking for her. Later, Thomas found Henry with a boiler ache and offered to collect trucks of Sodor coal to make him feel better.
Patrick Henry’s “Liberty or Death” Speech
Revolution was in the air in early 1775. Only a few months earlier, delegates from the American colonies had held the first Continental Congress and sent Britain’s King George III a petition for redress of grievances, among them the repeal of the so-called “Intolerable Acts.” A mass boycott of British goods was underway, and Boston Harbor still languished under a British blockade as punishment for 1773’s Boston Tea Party. In a speech to Parliament in late-1774, King George had denounced the ring spirit of resistance and disobedience to the law” which seemed to be spreading like wildfire across the American continent.
Amid these mounting tensions, the Second Virginia Convention convened to discuss the Old Dominion’s strategy in negotiating with the Crown. The roughly 120 delegates who filed into Richmond’s St. John’s Church were a veritable “who’s who” of Virginia’s colonial leaders. George Washington and Thomas Jefferson were both in attendance, as were five of the six other Virginians who would later sign the Declaration of Independence. Prominent among the bewigged statesmen was Patrick Henry, a well-respected lawyer from Hanover County. Blessed with an unfailing wit and mellifluous speaking voice, Henry had long held a reputation as one of Virginia’s most vociferous opponents of British taxation schemes. During the Stamp Act controversy in 1765, he had even flirted with treason in a speech in which he hinted that King George risked suffering the same fate as Julius Caesar if he maintained his oppressive policies. As a recent delegate to the Continental Congress, he had sounded the call for colonial solidarity by proclaiming, “The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian I am an American.”
Henry giving his “Liberty or Death” speech.[/caption]
Henry was convinced that war was around the corner, and he arrived at the Virginia Convention determined to persuade his fellow delegates to adopt a defensive stance against Great Britain. On March 23, he put forward a resolution proposing that Virginia’s counties raise militiamen “to secure our inestimable rights and liberties, from those further violations with which they are threatened.” The suggestion of forming a militia was not shocking in itself. Other colonies had passed similar resolutions, and Henry had already taken it upon himself to raise a volunteer outfit in Hanover County. Nevertheless, many in the audience balked at approving any measure that might be viewed as combative. Word that King George had rejected the Continental Congress’s petition for redress of grievances was yet to reach the colonies, and some still held out hope for a peaceful reconciliation with Britain.
After several delegates had spoken on the issue, Patrick Henry rose from his seat in the third pew and took the floor. A Baptist minister who was watching the proceedings would later describe him as having 𠇊n unearthly fire burning in his eye.” Just what happened next has long been a subject of debate. Henry spoke without notes, and no transcripts of his exact words have survived to today. The only known version of his remarks was reconstructed in the early 1800s by William Wirt, a biographer who corresponded with several men that attended the Convention. According to this version, Henry began by stating his intention to “speak forth my sentiments freely” before launching into an eloquent warning against appeasing the Crown.
“I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided,” he said, 𠇊nd that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House?”
Henry then turned his attention to the British troops mobilizing across the colonies. 𠇊re fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?” he asked. “Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? …Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us they can be meant for no other.”
Another engraving depicting Henry’s speech.
As he continued speaking, Henry’s dulcet tones began to darken with anger. 𠇎xcitement began to play more and more upon his features,” the minister later said. “The tendons of his neck stood out white and rigid like whipcords.”
“Our petitions have been slighted,” Henry said, “our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult our supplications have been disregarded and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne…we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!”
Henry stood silent for a moment, letting his defiant words hang in the air. When he finally began speaking again, it was in a thunderous bellow that seemed to shake “the walls of the building and all within them.” His fellow delegates leaned forward in their seats as he reached his crescendo.
“The war is actually begun!” Henry cried. “The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?” As he spoke, Henry held his wrists together as though they were manacled and raised them toward the heavens. 𠇏orbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take but as for me, give me liberty”—Henry burst from his imaginary chains and grasped an ivory letter opener—“or give me death!” As he uttered these final words, he plunged the letter opener toward his chest, mimicking a knife blow to the heart.
For several moments after Henry sat back down, the assembled delegates seemed at a loss for words. “No other member…was yet adventurous enough to interfere with that voice which had so recently subdued and captivated,” delegate Edmund Randolph later said. A hushed silence descended on the room. 𠇎very eye yet gazed entranced on Henry,” said the Baptist minister. “Men were beside themselves.” Colonel Edward Carrington, one of the many people watching the proceedings through the church windows, was so moved that he stood and proclaimed to his fellow spectators, “Let me be buried at this spot!” When he died decades later, his widow honored his request.
Henry Hope Reed, Architectural Historian, Is Dead at 97
Henry Hope Reed, an architecture critic and historian whose ardent opposition to modernism was purveyed in books, walking tours of New York City and a host of curmudgeonly barbs directed at advocates of the austere, the functional and unornamented in public buildings and spaces, died Wednesday at his home in Manhattan. He was 97.
The death was confirmed by Paul Gunther, president of the Institute of Classical Architecture and Art.
Walking historical tours of New York are now staples of the city’s cultural menu, but when Mr. Reed first began leading them for the Municipal Art Society in 1956, they were novel enough to be the subject of a news article in The New York Times.
Modernism was in favor at the time, but a reporter accompanying a tour on the East Side of Manhattan, north of Union Square, described how persuasive Mr. Reed’s bias against it was: “The tour ended at Pete’s Tavern,” the reporter, John Sibley, wrote. “Over their drinks, the hikers reviewed the tour. The flamboyant architectural adornments of the last century had impressed them, but they bemoaned the encroachment of bleak and sterile streamlined apartment buildings.”
Mr. Reed could have scripted the line himself. He had just finished his first book, “American Skyline,” written with Christopher Tunnard, a history of city planning that, contrary to contemporary thinking that emphasized traffic flow and functional design, praised urban architecture that drew on the decorative styles of previous eras.
It was four years earlier that he had first announced his presence as a critical voice with an article in Perspecta, the Yale architecture magazine, denouncing modernism in especially forthright terms: “We have sacrificed the past, learning, the crafts, all the arts on the altar of ‘honest functionalism,’ ” he wrote. In doing so, he added, architects and planners have turned their backs on “the very stuff which makes a city beautiful, the jewels in the civic designer’s diadem.”
Mr. Reed, who once dismissed Frank Lloyd Wright’s famous house Fallingwater as “a large split-level,” was often derided for what some deemed his extreme views. Ada Louise Huxtable, who would later become The Times’s architecture critic, wrote in a review of “American Skyline” that the book advocated “a way of building ludicrously out of character with contemporary life.”
But as time went on — and modernism waned as postmodernism waxed — he was also hailed for his cranky opposition. It was Mr. Reed, Mr. Gunther said, who in 1965 went to Mayor John V. Lindsay and suggested Central Park be closed to traffic, which it was, on weekends.
During the 1960s, Mr. Reed became known for his walking tours of Central Park, during which he emphasized its most pastoral elements and the art of the park’s 19th-century designers, Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux. In 1967, with Sophia Duckworth, Mr. Reed published a seminal book, “Central Park: A History and a Guide.” The previous year he had been named the park’s first curator — a nonpaying post — by the city’s parks commissioner, Thomas P. F. Hoving, who would go on to become the transformative director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Perhaps inevitably, Mr. Reed, who objected to just about any intrusion on the park’s natural beauty — including the Wollman skating rink — clashed with his new boss, decrying Mr. Hoving’s promotion of the park for concerts and other events sponsored by private companies.
After Barbra Streisand performed there in June 1967, resulting in tons of garbage left in the Sheep Meadow, Mr. Reed declared himself “disgusted” with Mr. Hoving’s having permitted “a commercial invasion” of the park. Mr. Hoving, who had recently left the parks post, responded quickly, calling Mr. Reed a “fuddy-duddy.”
Henry Hope Reed Jr. was born in Manhattan on Sept. 25, 1915. He studied history at Harvard and, according to a friend and protégé, Francis Morrone, Mr. Reed spent a few years after that “drifting,” during which he wrote for newspapers in the Midwest. Later he studied decorative arts at the École du Louvre in Paris.
“I think he had his revelatory experience in Paris, which is also where he saw his first walking tours,” said Mr. Morrone, who teaches architecture history at New York University.
Mr. Reed’s wife, the former Constance Culbertson Feeley, died in 2007. He leaves no immediate survivors.
In 1968, Mr. Reed helped found Classical America, an advocacy organization that, among other things, identified and helped revivify out-of-print architectural texts. In 2002 it merged with another organization under the name Institute of Classical Architecture and Art.
Mr. Reed’s other books include “The Golden City” (1959), an anti-Modernist manifesto in which he cagily used starkly juxtaposed photographs of classical and modern buildings to demonstrate the superiority of classical design, and, more recently, three scholarly studies of great American public buildings: “The New York Public Library,” which he co-wrote with Mr. Morrone “The Library of Congress,” co-edited with John Y. Cole and “The United States Capitol: Its Architecture and Decoration.”
Even his defenders agree that Mr. Reed grew more contentious and unrelenting as the years went on, though even his detractors admit that his fervid erudition served a purpose. As The Times wrote in an editorial, mediating his dispute with Mr. Hoving, “sometimes it is the one fuddy-duddy who has the principles to stick up for what is right.”